In a rackety presidential election year like this one, it’s a good day when a first-time state House candidate can secure some precious ink and airtime without having to pay for it. Such an opportunity came along last week for Democrats Mark Strama and Kelly White, who are challenging the re-election bids of Republican Reps. Jack Stick and Todd Baxter.
As it happened, Strama and White managed to force their opponents onto defense, as Stick and Baxter sought to distance themselves from a trunk-load of felony indictments handed down in connection with alleged GOP money-laundering activities during the 2002 election. Though neither incumbent is accused of wrongdoing, there is no denying that they were among seven legislative candidates in tight races who benefited from the $190,000 campaign contribution that prosecutors believe traveled an unlawful, circuitous loop before ending up in a select number of House-race war chests.
Strama and White did what any other candidate would have done given the same opportunity – move quickly to capitalize on their opponents’ indirect role in the scandal. The two Dems issued statements almost immediately following the Sept. 21 announcement of the indictments, and followed up the next day with a press conference on the Capitol steps, where they urged their opponents to return the contributions in question or donate them to charity.
The press conference gained Strama and White some much-needed exposure, but will that flash in the pan pay off for them on Nov. 2? It’s not something that will make or break the Dems’ chances – but it could help, say two veteran political operatives who typically work different sides of the fence. “Is this a cutting-edge wedge? No. It doesn’t rise to that level,” said Bill Miller, a lobbyist who served on the 2002 transition team of then new Republican House Speaker Tom Craddick, whose own political future remains iffy while prosecutors continue assessing his role in the campaign finance mess. (Miller is not working for either Stick or Baxter, and, as of late last week, had not been called on to help see Craddick through the investigation.)
While most voters are more focused on presidential politics than on down-ballot races, Miller allowed that the indictments could generate interest in the more competitive House races. “Something like this can contribute to the campaign development,” Miller continued, and “if you can convince [Stick and Baxter] to give the money back, it lessens the resources they would have available to run their campaigns.” Should it come to that, the two reps would each need to drain their campaigns of about $35,000.
“That’s a measurable chunk of money,” said David Butts, a strategist in the White campaign. “I can remember when we used to run state races on that amount alone.” While he agreed that this one event would not tilt the outcome of the two races, it could, nevertheless, provide a platform for Strama and White to address other areas of concern to voters. This could prove valuable if they can effectively hammer the links between the campaign contributions and their opponents’ voting records during their freshman year. “I think they’ll be able to score some points on a number of issues that these guys voted on,” Butts continued.
Stick and Baxter are most vulnerable for their “yes” votes on the re-redistricting plan that split Travis Co. into three congressional districts at the behest of U.S. House Majority Leader Tom DeLay. It was a political-action committee with strong ties to DeLay, Texans for a Republican Majority, that prosecutors say laundered corporate donations that ultimately helped win the election for several GOP candidates. “They’re of course going to act like they knew nothing about where the contributions came from,” Butts said of Stick and Baxter. “Right now it’s all open to speculation.”
Both Butts and Miller agree that Stick’s is the more competitive race, and the District 50 incumbent is running a more aggressive campaign than Baxter, whose District 48 in western Travis Co. is more solidly Republican than Stick’s turf along the county’s northeast edge. Stick did not help himself last week when he made a rather bold pitch for financial help during a meeting of the Texas Committee on Insurance Fraud. State law prohibits candidates from soliciting campaign funds at the Capitol but says nothing of asking for help in any other state-owned facility. In this case, it was the Hobby State Office Building – the home of state insurance regulators – where Stick made his plea to a friendly audience. (Stick has since said he was joking.)
This article appears in October 1 • 2004.
