 Mayoral Candidate Kirk Watson photograph by John Anderson |
Austin. Some blamed the wind on the autumnal weather. Others swore it was the
rhetoric. The short but thunderous Watson, 38, delivered a standard candidate’s
kick-off speech in his deepest Texas twang, casting himself as the contender
best prepared to face “the challenges of the future” and identify “goals,
priorities, and values.” And of course, like nearly any candidate who’s ever
tried to grab political power in Austin, he spoke about “gettin’ beyond the
simplistic polarization that dominates city paul-tics.” But it wasn’t so much
his words that hit home with the audience and reverberated throughout much of
the city on that day — it was the breadth of his support. The diversity of the
supporters flanking Watson on the bandstand spoke louder than anything he could
have said.
Dozens of Austin’s political elite — ranging from Real Estate Council
of Austin (RECA) members and Chamber of Commerce leaders to hard-core Save Our
Springs Alliance (S.O.S.) officers and neighborhood representatives — stood
with Watson during his announcement, forming a visual Who’s Who of the city’s
civic and business activists. Among the attendees were Walter Hinojosa, Texas
AFL-CIO Director; Diane Hardy-Garcia, executive director of the Lesbian and Gay
Rights Lobby of Texas; and Chamber of Commerce chair Kerry Tate and former
chair Ron Kessler, just to name a few. But it was the presence of members from
both the environmental and development factions — which clash the most and
wield the most political clout — that stole the show.
For years, a prevailing opinion has been that Austin politics is less than
the sum of its parts, that spatting among the city’s various factions has
undermined efficient and productive governance. So when some of Austin’s most
respected environmentalists like the matriarchal duo of Mary Arnold, vice-chair
of the Save Our Springs Alliance and Shudde Fath, Electric Utility Commissioner
stood on the bandstand with the likes of Joe Duncan and Jay Hailey, former
presidents of the Real Estate Council of Austin (RECA), the development
community’s most powerful political organ, it did more than authenticate
Watson’s promise of a symbiotic future. It gave him the upper hand in the race
against his only declared opponent, City Councilmember Ronney Reynolds.
 Mayoral Candidate Ronney Reynolds photograph by John Anderson |
consultant Peck Young. “The odds are good that when the fight’s over, Kirk will
be standing over Ronney’s dead political body.” (Young, who is not working for
either candidate, helped Smoot Carl-Mitchell defeat Reynolds in his first
council bid in 1988.)
Despite Watson’s running start, however, political aficionados say it’s too
early to count Reynolds out. There are five months until e-day, and Reynolds,
48, has strong name identification, lots of money, and he knows how to run a
campaign. In fact, he does his own fundraising, and is so confident that he
hasn’t yet hired any political consultants. “You don’t win by the business or
the environment,” says Reynolds, “you win with people, and that’s how I’ve been
able to win the last two times.”
Can’t We All Just Get Along?
But in Watson’s corner, the celebration seems to have already begun. Never inthe history of Austin politics have so many from such diverse extremes rallied
behind one goal. While Bruce Todd won the last two mayoral races with a similar
consensus-building theme, he remained deeply mistrusted among most of
the environmental community, and many complained that his supporting cast of
environmentalists were pseudo-enviros who had been wined, dined, and
politically 69-ed into allegiance with the business community.
Although he sings a familiar refrain, Watson claims that this time, there
really is a new day dawning. “Austin needs someone that can bring some new
ideas to the table,” he says, “someone with my background that has an
opportunity to broaden the discussion.” That background that Watson touts is
firmly rooted in both environmental causes and in the business world. How else
could you describe a resum� that boasts both a position as treasurer of
the Environmental Defense Fund and a vice-chairmanship of the governmental
relations board of the Chamber of Commerce ? That Watson, largely unknown just
a few months ago, has come so far so fast is partly a testament to Austin’s
changing political scene, say many of his supporters. With an economy
increasingly driven by the high-tech industry rather than real estate
speculation, Austin’s business community is evolving, and its leaders are more
willing to reach out to a candidate with strong environmental ties like
Watson.
None of which is good for Reynolds, who has long been an enemy of the
environmental movement because of his all-out support of development and big
business initiatives. Reynolds, of course, has never been known as a
consensus-builder. “Ronney is my friend,” explains RECA’s Hailey, a former
Reynolds supporter. “He’s voted in many ways that have been helpful to RECA.
But it boils down to who the right person is for Austin right now. At a later
time, Ronney may be a good leader, but now we’re at a critical point, and a
different kind of leadership is needed.”
Less than a year ago, the outlook was positive when Reynolds confirmed his
middle-of-the-dais dreams after Todd announced he was quitting. With a
resum� boasting two council terms, an $80,000-plus campaign stash, and
the seemingly undying support of the business and real estate commmunity,
Reynolds seemed a shoo-in. But now that many Chamber and RECA heavies have
thrown their collective weight behind Watson, Reynolds’ most important
foundation is threatening to crumble beneath him. He’s about to embark on the
race of his life.
Queen Ann’s Tree-hugger
Like other proponents of the environment, Watson has preached the alarminglysensible message that a healthy environment and a strong economy go
hand-in-hand. To carry it out, Watson, a name partner in the firm Whitehurst,
Harkness & Watson, which has a specialty in pursuing medical malpractice
claims, asked former Gov. Ann Richards to anoint him chair of the Texas Air
Control Board (TACB, since merged with the Texas Water Commission to form the
Texas Natural Resource Conservation Commission) in late 1991. Richards obliged.
At the time, the TACB was regarded as a bureaucratic cesspool of corruption and
inefficiency. Though the Democrat had to work with a Republican-dominated
board, and had to spearhead the implementation of the complex Federal
Clean Air Act amendments of 1990, Watson met every federally imposed deadline
by the time he left in 1993.
On day one, Watson called for the first-ever audit of the agency. Next, he
used his chairmanship to increase public participation and make the meetings
more discussion-oriented than their original formal speaking process allowed.
Neil Carman, clean air director for the Lone Star chapter of the Sierra Club,
says, “Watson made himself more accessible as chair than anyone in the past.”
Though Watson had been president of the Texas Young Lawyers’ Association in
1990 and 1991, and had served on the State Bar Executive Committee from
1989-1992, he was an unknown entity when he took over at the TACB. He now faces
the same obstacle in his bid for the mayorship, and a common question is
whether the newcomer can handle the city hall pressure-cooker. Reynolds
emphasizes that he is the candidate with the political experience to run
the city effectively.
But Watson counters that he is no stranger to sticky political situations. In 1992, as the TACB chair, minorities from Northeast Austin came banging
on his door, complaining of noxious emissions from the six gasoline storage
tanks in their neighborhoods. Led by Susana Almanza, executive director of
People in Defense of the Earth and her Resources (PODER), the residents claimed
that fumes from the “Tank Farm” caused headaches and nausea. Watson initiated
dozens of emissions tests, though all but one claimed the fumes were safe.
To ease the situation, Watson displayed the tightrope-walking ability that
some say is his greatest asset. He joined the Republican side of the TACB in
voting for decreased testing at the site, but later sided with the
neighborhoods in a vote for an emission reduction. Although the reduction plan
didn’t pass the board’s muster, Watson negotiated a voluntary plan with the oil
companies. Later, with the help of Texas Water Commissioner John Hall, he
created the nation’s first task-force on environmental racism. Ron Davis, an
East Austin activist and one of the tank farm protestors, says, “I thank God
for a person like Kirk Watson. He was so instrumental in us getting those tanks
shut down.”
From the other side of the coin, Watson won over industry attorneys like Pam
Giblin, with the local office of Houston-based Baker & Botts, which now
supports him. And when the TACB disbanded, the Republican-dominated board
passed a resolution praising Watson and asking Richards to immediately appoint
him to another committee. One of those Republicans was Bob Bailey, who
initially referred to Watson as “Queen Ann’s [Richards] tree-hugging
environmentalist,” but has now written a two-page letter supporting Watson’s
candidacy. Bailey was impressed, for instance, when Watson created an office to
help small businesses understand the complex Clean Air Act, the first of its
kind in the nation. The office served Watson’s dual message: Small businesses
learned cheaper methods to reduce emissions, and the environment benefited from
more compliance with the regulations.
Of his success at the TACB, Watson says, “We all had different views of the
world, but we created a process that allowed community to be built around
solutions.” That inclusive message made him a hit with chamber chair Tate, and
when a slot for the 1996 vice-chair of the chamber’s governmental relations
board opened late last year, she brought Watson aboard. (It was through his
chamber connections that Watson made fast friends with some RECA members.)
Business Splits for a Change
When his two-year stint as the Travis County Democratic Chair was about to endthis year, Watson says, a number of friends urged him to make a mayoral run.
Watson would not say who they were, only that some came from the Democratic
Party, and others were just longtime friends who didn’t want Reynolds to run
unopposed. (Watson has aspired to elective office before; Texas Lawyer
reported that in 1990, Watson kicked around the idea of running for the
house seat vacated by Republican Terral Smith.) Last March, to establish the
required Austin residency necessary to run for mayor, Watson moved from his
suburban cradle in West Lake Hills to a tony, $738,000 spread in Central
Austin. Soon after, Tate and other Chamber bigwigs threw their support behind
him, and other business leaders followed.
One Reynolds defector is Mel Waxler, a former chair of Leadership Austin, the
Chamber’s training ground for up-and-coming politicos. For Reynolds’ last
campaign, Waxler had his photo on a Reynolds campaign flyer. Now, he says, “I
think Kirk will have a better shot at bringing the diverse, but very valid,
interests of the community together.”
Ironically, it is the business establishment and not the environmental
movement which now has the unenviable possibility of parting down the middle
for the first time ever. Even though Watson has strong environmental ties, a
good many chamber types don’t see him as an irrational tree-hugger. Indeed, he
and Reynolds don’t differ much on major business issues. Both have expressed
potential support for a downtown TIF, which would reinvest a portion of
property taxes into a specified downtown area. Both support looking at
privatization as a way to provide more cost-effective service, though neither
wants to see less services. And both have doubts about selling the Electric
Utility Department, and are demanding more information.
The more the business community splits, of course, the more Reynolds’ victory
will depend on a RECA endorsement. (Readers may remember that the RECA created
a controversy during last season’s city council races after it was discovered
that their Political Action Committee funneled tens of thousands of corporate
dollars — via voter identification info — to developer-friendly candidates.)
In the past, Reynolds has been a leading recipient of RECA’s largesse. While
two aforementioned RECA members have defected to Watson’s camp, three other
RECA noteworthies are mum on whether they’ll support Reynolds. Even Reynolds’
close ally, Freeport-McMoRan lobbyist David Armbrust, an attorney for
Strasburger & Price, will not say where he stands. Nor will attorney Pete
Winstead of Winstead, Sechrest, & Minick, who will replace Tate as the
Chamber’s chair in 1997 and who is general counsel for Austin CargoPort
Development, which won the sweetheart deal to build and operate the new
airport’s $20 million cargo facility. RECA President Amy McElhenny, though she
did attend Reynolds’ annual October fundraiser, is also playing it close to the
vest.
The reason for the reticence is unclear, though one consultant who requested
anonymity and is not working on either campaign, reasons, “People are not
excited about supporting [Reynolds], but they have to. A lot of people out
there legitimately think they owe Ronney one. He’s voted for the real estate
community time and again.”
Still, it would be unfair to say that Reynolds, a CPA with Reynolds, Loeffler,
& Dowling, is pandering to only one faction. He has been a strong advocate
of child care initiatives, has taken a keen interest in improving the police
department (see sidebar), and is a resolute supporter of Austin traditions like
Aqua Fest (no matter how much debt it takes on). “I’m not fluff,” Reynolds
says. “I’ve worked on many projects, taken a lot of time, and tried to
accomplish something for the citizens. I have a record of goals and
accomplishments and I’ll run on that record.”
Most notably, he stared down the mayor last year, leading a council majority
against a sale of the Electric Utility Department. Still, his motives there
were suspect. At least two councilmembers (former member Brigid Shea and
current member Gus Garcia) charged that Reynolds was just helping his friends
at the Lower Colorado River Authority, which has openly considered managing the
EUD. The aforementioned Armbrust is an LCRA lobbyist and has been a key
Reynolds financier and supporter.
But above all, Reynolds has gained infamy as a lockstep developer vote. A good
example of his allegiance has been his efforts to approve Freeport-McMoRan’s
massive Barton Creek development proposal, commonly called the PUD, for Planned
Unit Development. In a fitting analogy, Reynolds once volunteered as a golf
caddy at a tournament hosted by Freeport. When it comes to
PUD-related
interests, which have been the council’s most generous developer contributors,
Reynolds has been like a toy that raises a thumb in approval when a coin is
deposited. He has voted for Freeport’s proposal every time it has reached his
desk, and in return, has received more PUD-related contributions than any other
councilmember ($20,000-plus). The last agreement Freeport brought to the table,
in February, 1995, was approximately 300 pages long, very technical, and had
been prepared by Freeport. City staff had reviewed it, but the council had not
— they received it only two days before the public hearing and vote. During
the hearing, Reynolds’ colleagues asked dozens of questions about the impact
the agreement would have on the city and Barton Creek. Reynolds, on the other
hand, had no questions and instead played solitaire on Councilmember Eric
Mitchell’s laptop computer and frequently left the dais to watch a UT
basketball game in the breakroom.
In 1992, Reynolds voted to delay a citizens’ referendum on the S.O.S.
water-quality ordinance. S.O.S. grew largely out of the movement against the
PUD, and would have limited development there. Before he voted to delay the
referendum, Reynolds told S.O.S. supporters to “take a hike.” The reason became
clear later, when developers had an extra 90 days to file dozens of development
applications before S.O.S. cut into their profit margin.
T.C.B. at ACVB
One group that has not forsaken Reynolds is tourism representatives, with whomhe has been intricately involved. Before he was elected to the council,
Reynolds was a volunteer coordinator who helped get the Convention Center
built. “The more tourists we have, the more sales tax revenue we have, and the
less property taxes we have. It’s the best no-growth policy I’ve seen,” says
Reynolds.
Currently, he is closely tied to two of the state’s largest convention
education organizations, the Texas Society of Association Executives (TSAE) and
Meeting Professionals International (MPI). Among other things, both groups
teach member associations about getting the most out of conventions. His wife,
Mary Reynolds, serves on the MPI board and Reynolds does taxes for the TSAE.
Reynolds also does the income taxes for both the state and local Hotel and
Motel Assocations. At a TSAE convention ealier this year, he spoke to
non-profit groups about tax-saving opportunities. These same organizations
provide a fertile breeding ground for contributors. An analysis of his January,
1994 Contribution & Expenditures Reports showed seven TSAE organization
representatives among his contributors.
Late this summer, when hoteliers and tourism representatives begged the
council to privatize the Austin Convention and Visitors’ Bureau (ACVB),
Reynolds put the privatization effort on the fast track. Five of his
colleagues, however, had numerous questions about the proposed privatization,
which would have put $3 million a year into the hands of a non-profit corporate
board. The contract Reynolds stood ready to approve would have allowed only
four public meetings a year and had no provisions for competitive bidding — an
alarming lack of public input with a bureau that, when private in the late
Eighties, was rife with abuses of taxpayer money.
After two months of questions, and the additions of safeguards to ensure
public accountability, a majority of councilmembers finally voted in favor of
the ACVB privatization. Reynolds, frustrated with the pace of the approval
process, asked few questions, and even called a special vote for faster
approval.
It should come as no surprise, then, that a number of tourism representatives
are serving on Reynolds’ 76-person “initial steering committee,” to help him
figure out what issues hold currency with voters. They include Juan
Portillo, owner of Tramex Travel and a former ACVB board member; Rusty
Wallace, president of the local Hotel and Motel Association and general manager
of the Doubletree Guest Suites Hotel; and Marilyn Monroe, who served as the
TSAE executive director for 24 years, and has been one of Reynolds’ biggest
supporters. Says Monroe: “He is one of the few who truly understand the value
of the convention business. I know him professionally, as my CPA, and I know
him as an individual. He is a true leader.”
And Reynolds can expect the support of Mitchell’s wide African-American
following, as he has backed almost everything Mitchell has done. (In fact, this
paper dubbed Eric and Ronney the “ER tag-team duo” for their dangerous one-two
argument combination.) Former state representative Wilhelmina Delco is a
member of Mitchell’s East Austin choir: “Ronney’s been a good strong ally of
Eric Mitchell’s and I agree with 99.9% of everything Eric has done.”
Delco, like other Mitchell supporters, is serving on Reynolds’ steering
committee — which shows almost as much diversity as Watson’s support base. One
member who may seem an unlikely Reynolds supporter is Sarah Weddington, the
University of Texas law professor who succesfully argued the landmark Roe v.
Wade case before the Supreme Court. She says she backs Reynolds because he
has “been good on supporting the provision of all medical services to women,
like mammograms and programs to reduce teen pregnancy. He has a real
even-handed approach to things, he doesn’t always do what I want, but he’ll do
what’s best for the city.”
 Sarah Weddington |
number of Hispanic activists on the committee, such as Planning Commissioner
Kathy Vasquez-Revilla. Also on Reynolds’ side are at least half a dozen former
mayors and councilmembers, whose endorsements always look good on a
resum�. One of these is former Mayor Ron Mullen, now with Principal
Financial Management. “Ronney’s been around long enough to know what’s going
on. Kirk just bought a house here and started paying taxes so he can be the
mayor. That’s not a good way to say `I care about Austin’.” (For the record,
Watson has lived in or around Austin since 1981. As a fifth-generation
Austinite, Reynolds has lived in Austin all his life (except for a two-year
stint in Houston), a fact he rarely neglects to mention in his stump speeches.)
Parks: Cancer
and Baseball
Despite his broad support, Reynolds undoubtedly knows that Watson has chippedinto his base, and he’s got to make up votes somewhere. Maybe that’s why he’s
attempting to camoflauge himself in environmental green to win over the
tree-hugger coalition. He now admits that “The delay of S.O.S. was not a good
political vote.” Also, he recently made a rare showing at the annual fundraiser
for the Save Barton Creek Association. And he just voted against the Bloch
Cancer Memorial, saying that it would spoil the purity of Town Lake. Partly
because of that vote, says Roberta Crenshaw, the grande dame of Austin’s parks
system, she will serve on his steering committee. “He’s impressed me with his
ability to take a stand,” she says.
Although most environmentalists aren’t likely to forget Reynolds’ past, that
doesn’t mean they’re ready to trust the Chamber-connected challenger
completely. After all, the once green-tongued Todd turned out to be a huge
disappointment. “I support [Watson] wholeheartedly, but at the same time I’m
concerned that his public statements have been very general and vague,” says
S.O.S. attorney Bill Bunch. “I only hesitate because I see who his supporters
are.”
In the five remaining months before the election, Reynolds may not win any
more environmental votes than Crenshaw, but at the very least, he’s got plenty
of time to rack up political brownie points with other factions, as he did in
September, persuading the council to transfer $1.3 million in funding to the
Austin Police Department. And as he’s currently doing by leading the charge for
a new South Austin police substation.
Still, though the Austin Police Association has endorsed Reynolds in his last
two races, his support among police is by no means unanimous. “He’s like a
fair-weather friend who is supportive of the police department when it comes
time for election, but in the off years baseball parks and other things take
priority,” says one officer who requested anonymity.
And it’s Reynolds’ fervent support last year for a $10 million
baseball stadium that could threaten the support of his conservative
home base in Northwest Austin. Reynolds has traditionally swept the Northwest
precincts, but voters there obliterated any hope of the $10 million bond
proposal after they felt they had been bamboozled by the council’s attempt, led
by Reynolds and Todd, to pay for the stadium without voter approval.
Riding High
All of which should allow Watson to continue moving up the charts fast. Twoweeks ago, he held what some claim was one of the city’s largest candidate
fundraisers ever, drawing a reported 800 people to swanky Green Pastures at a
$35 entry fee. Reynolds disputes that claim, noting that one owner of Green
Pastures, Ken Koock, who is on Reynolds’ steering committee, has stated that
the restaurant can only hold 400 people.
While Reynolds took it upon himself to hire a pilot to fly over Texas Stadium
with a “Ronney Reynolds for Mayor” banner during last week’s Texas/A&M
game, Watson has hired a dream-team of local political consultants to plot his
strategy: Alfred Stanley, David Butts, and Dean Rindy. The uniting of the three
is another indication of the business/enviro alliance that Watson has forged.
The last time the three worked together was in 1993, on the failed campaign to
pass county bonds for the Balcones Canyonlands Conservation Project (BCCP).
That project, which will use fees from development permits to acquire
endangered species habitat, is seen as one of the city’s first attempts to
bring developers and environmentalists to the same table.
 Watson’s dream team of political consultants – strategist David Butts, media man Dean Rindy, and fundraising whiz Alfred Stanley. photograph by John Anderson |
political spectrum, was a fundraiser for Bruce Todd and worked as Jackie
Goodman’s consultant in her reelection bid. Media strategist Rindy and campaign
consultant Butts are seen as the liberal-enviro heavyweights of campaign
strategy. This year, the two were a perfect 7-0 in the state, county, and city
races that they handled together, and in which Austinites voted. Among these
were the notable first-time wins of Travis County Sheriff Margo Frasier and
Councilmembers Daryl Slusher and Beverly Griffith.
The fact that Reynolds has yet to hire political consultants has some people
wondering. Jeff Montgomery was his consultant in his last two races, but this
time around Montgomery says he has a conflict of interest because, while
Reynolds is his CPA, he jogs with Watson from time to time around Town Lake.
Reynolds could still hire Mimi Correa and David Weeks, who have worked for him
in the past, but they specialize in media, rather than overall strategy. “It
does raise the question of who Ronney will hire,” Montgomery admits, suggesting
that Reynolds may have to seek out-of-town help, an undesirable move when it
comes to local races.
Though Watson is riding high, Stanley says he respects Reynolds’ strengths,
and his camp is playing it safe. “A campaign is both a sprint and marathon,”
says Stanley. “Ronney Reynolds is a serious opponnent.” What is certain, say
political observers, is that the city can expect one of the most exciting
mayoral campaigns in recent history. “It’s going to be a close race,” says the
impartial Winstead of the Chamber of Commerce. “If I had my wishes I’d love for
Ronney to be on city council and have Kirk be mayor so I could have the best of
both worlds.”
But he can’t, and neither can the rest of the city. Still, the most hopeful
news evident from this campaign is that maybe the business elite are evolving
faster than their rhetoric. And maybe, just maybe, they’ve learned the value of
cooperation. If so, it’s another complement to the recent successes of the
environmental movement, which is riding high, stoked by recent court victories
like the validation of the S.O.S. ordinance, the slam-dunk of ACC’s proposal
for a campus over the aquifer, and the city’s win against “Austin-bashing”
legislation related to the Maple Run MUD. These developments would appear to be
ominous for Reynolds. The last time things were going this well for the enviros
was in 1993, when voters forced almost the entire development-friendly RULE
council (Reynolds, Charles Urdy, Bob Larson, and Louise Epstein) out of office.
Only Reynolds remains, saved by the fact that his re-election did not come up
until a year later. He may not be so lucky this time.
This article appears in December 6 • 1996 and December 6 • 1996 (Cover).