Is Greg Abbott fantasizing or what? On Monday, the governor got himself in front of a friendly audience at the Capitol and once again promised that Texas lawmakers are close to approving vouchers in the current special session.
“I am here to tell you that, contrary to what you may be reading in the newspaper, we are closer than we’ve ever been on a deal that will deliver school choice for you, your families, and all Texans,” Abbott said, using “school choice” as a synonym for “vouchers,” a scheme that would take money from public schools and give it parents to use for private school expenses.
Rural Republicans opposing vouchers “have been put in a very difficult situation, there’s no question about that. But what I’m hearing is they’re not so much afraid as they are mad.” – State Rep. Donna Howard, D-Austin
It was the second time in three days that Abbott had declared a breakthrough on vouchers, after saying on Friday that the initiative is “on the 1-yard line.” But Austin Rep. Donna Howard has a different interpretation of how close Abbott is to his goal. “In this case, maybe Abbott is Charlie Brown at the 1-yard line and Lucy’s getting ready to pull back that ball,” Howard said. “That’s what I hope.”
It could well be the case. The governor has projected confidence for over a year as he’s shopped vouchers to churches and others hostile to public ed, but the bluster didn’t get him far. The proposal was soundly rejected during the regular session, forcing Abbott to call the current special session, where he continues to insist that vouchers will help poor children get a good education and protect kids everywhere from dreaded wokeness. “Our schools are for education, not indoctrination,” Abbott said Monday. “One more step is all it takes.”
To take that last step, Abbott will need to peel off most of the 24 Republicans from rural districts who voted twice with Democrats this spring to kill vouchers. These Republicans opposed the measure because it would drain money from their schools, the cornerstones and main employers of their constituents’ small towns. On Friday, Abbott claimed his office is working with the rural Republicans on a 180-page bill that could be made public by Friday. Speaker Dade Phelan, in remarks to reporters last week, also said the House is negotiating and expressed confidence that a bill will come to the floor.
The Chronicle has heard no evidence that the two sides are coming together. “I know there are efforts being made to find some kind of way to throw a bone to a variety of folks in the rural areas, to entice them to go ahead and do this,” Howard said. “But I’m not hearing that that is being effective at this point. Some of the Republicans I’ve spoken with have said they are holding firm on their opposition to vouchers, that it is not good for their constituents.
“And they’re extremely offended by the governor’s request that they not vote with their district,” Howard continued. “After Paxton’s impeachment and the governor’s threats, I think a lot of people felt like the Republicans were going to cave. They’ve been put in a very difficult situation, there’s no question about that. But what I’m hearing is they’re not so much afraid as they are mad. And a lot of them talk like they’re not having it.”
Other sources confirm Howard’s take. They note that coalitions form and dissolve quickly, but say the fact that we’re in the second week of the special session, with no bill on legislators’ desks, does not bode well for Abbott. They also point out that, unlike former Gov. Rick Perry – a man Abbott is often unfavorably compared to – the current governor never served as a legislator and has a reputation for being disengaged from the rank and file. “His rhetoric doesn’t match his abilities,” is how one source put it.
Meanwhile, on the other side of the Capitol, the Senate has provided a template for what voucher opponents say the House should not do. On Oct. 12, Republicans passed Senate Bill 1 over the objections of Democrats who pointed out that the bill includes no provisions to keep private schools from discriminating against students on the grounds of race, religion, disability, or anything else.
“If the votes are there to move this forward, would we not want to make sure that families would be protected on the basis of race, color, religion, that sort of thing?” Democratic Senator José Menéndez asked SB 1’s author, Sen. Brandon Creighton, during a debate before the vote. “Sen. Menéndez, if that’s important to you, I would encourage you to file that bill separately,” Creighton responded.
Voucher opponents say SB 1 allows private schools to skirt many rules that provide structure and equity for public schools. Though it has been promoted as a way to improve education for children with special needs, the bill explicitly warns that private schools don’t have to accept these kids. It requires private schools to place a statement on their websites reading: “A private school is not subject to federal and state laws regarding the provision of educational services to a child with a disability.”
Voucher opponents also criticize SB 1’s math. The bill would give parents $8,000 for each kid they move to a private school and allocate $500 million dollars to start the program. Doing a little division (it can be challenging) reveals that only about 58,000 kids would be eligible for the program. Since the state’s public schools teach 5.5 million students, that means just 1% of Texas public school students would be able to access the program that Abbott believes is so important. To make it even more ridiculous, SB 1 specifies that 90% of those who receive vouchers must come from low-income families or those who need special education. So, how many kids outside of these categories would be eligible for a voucher? One out of a thousand.
This article appears in October 20 • 2023.
